le areas iva Soviet women ina rapidly c Not long ago there appeared a fascinat- ing newspaper piece whose headline summed up its contents with stark, al- most forlorn simplicity: ‘‘The problem of single women in Soviet Byelorussia,” it said. The article, by TASS correspon- dent Lilia Lomsadze, described the con- sequences of a badly skewed male- female ratio in the city of Minsk, where marriageable women outnumber the men by more than two to one. It was a sad story of searching souls, lonely hearts clubs and desperate wind-torn messages pinned to telephone poles and bulletin boards. This news from Minsk is just one re- cent acknowledgement of a problem that plagues many modern Soviet cities. Ex- tensive, decade-leaping economic development in this century has fre- quently had as its by-product an uneven distribution of the sexes. Heavy industry boom-towns, such as the steel center of Novokuznetsk, are often crawling with men while places like the textile town of Ivanovo have the Minsk syndrome with a vengeance. In addition, at any given time there are some three million young men in the army, for all intents and purposes out of romantic circulation. The problem of numbers, however, is only the tip of the iceberg. It is the easiest point from which to begin to unravel the complex riddle of male-female relations in the USSR at the present moment. In the course of its rapid development, Soviet society has created some serious disparities which in turn put strain on family life, romantic expectations and the vision of personal fulfilment. And this is why Soviet women, who enjoy the most sweeping economic rights and social pre- rogatives of any women anywhere in the world, are not feeling all that liberated these days. “We might almost speak of two sepa- rate cultures, one for men and one for women,” says Valeria Kalmyk, vice president of the Soviet Women’s Com- mittee. Nearly all Soviet women — 92 per cent of them — work or study, she says. Though generalizations are dangerous (what follows is mainly valid for Russia and the European USSR), Soviet women on the whole demonstrate more drive, determination and respon- sibility in their work than men do. This is reflected in a surprising statistic: 60 per cent of specialists in the USSR with Women have a variety of goals to fight for, some specific and some in. aid of general social and economic objectives that affect them disproportionately ... they have a big stake in peristroika. Photos: In the Togliatti auto plant, Rus- sian republic and on a street in Riga. They also display a far greater zest for -cultural life. “‘On average,” says Kal- myk, ‘women go to the cinema, theatre, exhibitions and concerts far more often than men.” Another important factor is that Rus- sian women do not, by the large, share their menfolk’s predilection for hard drinking. Speaking personally, I can re- call numerous Moscow parties I have at- tended over the past year that ended up with the men drinking and singing in the kitchen, and the women in another room chatting about literature, fashion, or dancing with each other. Today’s single women are the daughters and grand-daughters of the “‘widowed generation’ of Soviet women who came out of the hell of the Second World War, when the male population was decimated, and were glad to find a man, any man. They tended to coddle, pamper and spoil their menfolk, an under- standable reaction under the circum- stances. Today’s young women are clearly unwilling to follow that example, but their confusion and frustrations are frequently in evidence. Most commonly heard. from them is the lament that there is not a shortage of men, but of the right sort of men. The educational and cultural standards of Soviet women have risen very high, and so have their romantic expectations. “The problem is that there are so few men among men,”’ says a friend of mine, Natasha, 32. Natasha booted her hus- band out of their one-bedroom apart- ment shortly after their son was born because, she says, ‘‘I didn’t want to have to look after two babies.”’ This is not an unusual case. The di- vorce rate in the USSR is extremely high, almost one in two, and two-thirds of these are initiated by women. Few Soviet women will hesitate to take this step, if marriage turns out to be unsatis- factory, because of the powerful legal and economic advantages they possess. Except under highly extraordinary circumstances, Soviet courts always award custody of children to the mother. Child care is universally available and subsidized; many nurseries operate on a 24-hour basis to accommodate shift- workers — a fact that enables lots of. single mothers to live their own social lives. If a child is sick, the mother can take as much time as she needs from work, with pay, to look after it. Trade e: hanging society unions are quick to go to bat for any single mothers who require financial or other assistance. Indeed, one often hears from Soviet women that they have no problems that call for political mobilization as women to deal with. Most seem satisfied with their social and legal status, and with the trade unions and other mass organizations that represent them, and prefer to regard their frustrations as personal or family prob- lems to be worked out individually. One, an older woman, once even suggested to. me that ‘our problems stem from having too many rights for women.”’ Kalmyk disagrees. She points out that women have a variety of goals to fight for, some specific and some in aid of general social and economic objectives that affect women disproportionately. However, she admits, the Soviet Wom- en’s Committee has been facing an uphill battle in its new campaign to organize local women’s councils —the first Soviet attempt to build a mass movement of women since the 1920s. The first thing to note,”’ she says, “‘is that women have a-~ big stake in the economic restructuring, perestroika. Surveys show that Soviet women on average spend 50 per cent more time on household chores, shopping and child care than do their husbands. These bur- dens fall entirely upon single mothers. The provision of better services, con- sumer goods, appliances, housing, and so on — all primary objectives of peres- troika — will ease the load and help to create a better home climate in which the complexities of male-female relations can be addressed. In other words, the balance will shift in women’s favor. “‘Another area in which women share an interest is in combatting alcoholism. Some of our new women’s councils have already succeeded in creating ‘alcohol free zones’ in their farms and work- places. They have a major role to play in persuading and educating those who abuse strong drink.”’ Over the long haul, says Kalmyk, Soviet women need to develop strategies for increasing their representation in the higher levels of management and politi- cal leadership. Despite 70 years of legis- lated equality, these upper strata remain very much a boy’s club. Some figures recently compiled for in- dustries in which women workers pre- dominate illustrate the depth of the prob- lem: women account for 31 per cent of all managers in light industry, 21 per cent in the textile industry and just 14 per cent in the food industry. Another problem, notes Kalmyk, is the persistence of disparaging and un- flattering female stereotypes in the mass media and cinema. The Soviet Women’s Committee has taken an active approach to this, visiting with editors, producers and writers, and putting forward their own ideas on how to improve program- ming and project a better and fairer image of women. . What seems clear is that most of the questions that animate women in the West — daycare, legal equality, sexual harassment, abortion, equal pay — are basically non-issues with Soviet women. Yet a complex set of different problems has emerged which affects them deeply. As Soviet women grow increasingly self-aware and politicized, it will be fascinating to watch the forms in which they seek to redress the imbalances and disparities between the sexes, and carve out a new place for themselves within a _ fapidly changing society. 8 e PACIFIC TRIBUNE, SEPTEMBER 23, 1987 pact — possibl MOSCOW — It is ‘‘possi and réalistic’’ to believe tha global ‘double zero’ agreement medium and short range nucl missiles can be worked out by! end of this year, Soviet leat Mikhail Gorbachev has noted! ground-breaking foreign poll analysis published in leading viet newspapers -late last week “This treaty on medium 2 shorter range missiles would b fine prelude to a breakthrough the talks on large-scale — 501 _ cent — reductions in strategic | fensive arms in conditions of ! strict-observance of the ABMt aty,’’ he said. “T believe that, given mull efforts in this direction, an acct on strategic nuclear weape could become a reality as early the first half of next year,’ G bachev said. : The Soviet leader’s artic timed to coincide with the 42 Assembly of the United Nati@ and the visit to Washington of § viet Foreign Minister Edua Shevardnadze, was the most ¢ finitive statement yet of the ra ‘cal approach to international sues which Gorbachev calls | new way of thinking.”’ In it he spells out in thorou detail the Soviet call for a ‘‘co prehensive system of intert tional peace and security,” | cluding a strong regime of art control, strengthened roles fort United Nations and other bodi of international cooperation a! regulation, and the integration global efforts to deal with pro lems of ecology, disease, hungé distribution of resources a development. Among other things, Gorb chev met President Reagan’s ! cent challenge that the Sov! Union should “‘openly publish} military budget,’’ with the follo\ ing promise: “‘I think that . within the next two or three yea we will be able to compare t figures that are of interest to | and our partners and which wou symmetrically reflect the expe ditures of the two sides.”’ “Tt is becoming impossible | put up with a situation such as tl world has found itself in on tl threshold of the third millenium. the Soviet leader concluded. ‘“*W live in the face of the threat ‘ annihilation, in a state of constal tension, in an atmosphere of su picion and strife, spending hus sums and quantities of effort ar talent of millions of people only | increase mutual mistrust af fear. “The political and moral cot! of the problem is the trust of tl states and peoples in one anothe' respect for international agre¢ ments and institutions. “‘The idea of a comprehensiv system of security is the first pla for a possible new organization ¢ life in our common planetar home. In other words, it is a opening to the future where th security of all is the essentiz condition for the security each.”