By GEORGE MORRIS The Alliance for Labor Action has not yet been formally con- stituted beyond the initial state- ment of the objectives its two big founding unions issued last, July. The mechanics of the move- ment and the initial drives will be determined May 27 at the first conference of the ALA in Wash- ington. So far it is public knowledge that two committes. have been set up to study plans for submis- sion to the conference on organ- izing and community action. Also, leaders of the United Auto Workers and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters have been conferring with leaders of a number of unions to win their cooperation for the planned ob- jectives. Here we underscore again, be- cause so many tend to forget it, the fact that the ALA is not a new labor federation. It is a cen- ter for new action and for revita- lization of the entire labor movement. The program of ALA calls on unions of any or no affi- liation to join in the effort. If George Meany and his exe- cutive council are so fearful of new action and new vitality that they threaten expulsion of any union that cooperates with the new: movement, the fault is not with the ALA. At this point it is not yet apparent what unions will be at the ALA conference in addition to the two founding organizations, But it is a safe guess that probably more unions will be watching the conference with interest than will be there. Most unions want to see “the action” before they get into it. I have heard many people voice impatience because they have not yet seen action from the .ALA. I expressed some impa- tience, too, in some recent col- umns and warned that the lead- ers of the new movement will lose leverage for action if they drag preparations long. As we observed, the people at AFL-CIO headquarters favoring inaction aren’t idle either. Their 40,000- word “white paper” against the UAW was deliberately timed as a torpedo aimed at the ALA con- ference and by its content was designed to foster division with- in ALA. What is becoming increasingly more apparent is that the lineup is shaping over differences in the labor movement and the de- marcation will sharpen as the months roll on. The most unfor- tunate in such a situation, as we have learned from past history, are those who stand on the side- lines as critics or just preach unity and profess to be “impar- tial.” Unity means nothing unless it, unites more working people in struggle. We have seen in our labor history since its inception that “unity” as defined by Sam- uel Gompers or William Green or George Meany means unity at a bureaucratic level and a mini- mum of united action in the ranks The big cry against the CIO when it rose in the thirties was the charge it split the labor ‘movement. But within several years after the CIO was born 10 million workers were united in U.S. unions—and in more effec- tive unions—in place of the 3.5 million when the split occurred. I have also been hearing much criticism of the leaders who ini- tiated ALA. You get it from peo- ple on the left and from the right. In letters and other ways I am reminded of views and acts of Walter Reuther, Emil Mazey, Frank Fitzsimmons and James R. Hoffa, all thrown in to support arguments against ALA. If there is anybody in these 50 United States who has written more criticism of Reuther and some of the others in ALA’s leadership than I have since the thirties, LABOR SCENE By Bruce Magnuson I'd like to know who he is. But to the displeasure of some of my critics, I have not hesitated to applaud them when they did something good. : Our concern is not the rela- tionships or attitudes towards in- dividual leaders. We are concern, ed with the movement of mil- lions of people. It is because we think the ALA is a promise of greater movement — and it is so far only a promise — that we be- lieve it deserves all the encour- agement progressives can give it. There are, of course, some people who are waiting for the all-perfect unions and the fault- less leaders. The Socialist Labor Party, the oldest socialist orga- nization in the U.S., is still wait- ing for them. They will never come. History doesn’t follow a blueprint. The men who formally initiat- ed the CIO John Lewis, Sid- ney Hillman, David Dubinsky, Charles Howard—had a conser- vative record, much of it down- right reactionary before the thir- ties. But by a peculiar twist of history it is they who opened the Pandora’s Box that became the biggest upsurge of labor in U.S. history. Some of these peo- ple were later sorry for what they did, because the march of labor brushed even them to the side. : I am not suggesting that we have a parallel or that the same will happen. But we should bear in mind that changing times bring changes in relations and possibilities of united fronts or coalitions that seemed inconceiv- able in the past. Beneath it all is ‘that powerful current of millions of people whom some labor leaders can confuse, mislead and even detour for a period, but in the long run that current keeps flowing along like “Old Man Riv- er.” Progressives can’t be an effec- tive influence unless they are —— AlA~—centre for action CANADIAN UAW eas CONDEMNS ABMs The Canadian Council of the United Automobile Workers Union, “condemned Prime Min- ister Trudeau for his negative attitude regarding the implemen- tation of the ABM (anti-ballistic missle) program.” Meeting in St. Catherines April 26-27 the 127,000 member organization threw its support behind its International Execu- tive Board which has protested “to President Nixon and asked him to respond to the protest against the ABM with an order to cancel the project. “Canada and Canadians would be in great danger from fall-out or short firings” said the Can- adian resolution “according to a wide body of scientific opinion” it would “constitute an unneces- sarily dangerous proliferation of the nuclear arms race, while ad- ding nothing to the U.S.A.’s real defensive capability.” The Conference also called for price parity for automobiles and accused the automobile manufacturers of “contempt for their Canadian customers.” They demanded “that the De- partment of Industry, Trade and within that current of millions. Within that current you can deepen class consciousness, in- fluence its direction, combat those who seek to pollute it, even criticize leaders when ne- cessary, and speed the march forward. Lenin stressed this a thousand times. It’s been the ABC of pro- gressive action in the labor movement for many years. And for many years those who ignor- ed this reality landed on the scrap pile of failures. Daily World Commerce of the Government, Canada call, not only Ford , Canada to terms on its price j equity towards all Canadian cy tomers but the whole auto ; dustry in Canada, and that thorough investigation of tt pricing of cars in Canada ung the Canada-U.S. Automotiy Trade Agreement be conductg with a full disclosure of the x sults of the investigation mad to Parliament.” < Also demanded by the Cow cil was assurance by the Ontarj Government that supplement, tion of benefits in negotiate health plans be allowed wha medicare is instituted in th province. Many union negotigt ed plans now provide for covey age beyond the scope of medi care and the UAW is determine that the establishment of unj versal medicare, which the unior fully supports, will not reduc the coverage now in effect jr many of its agreements. The parley also criticized the unilateral hoist in fees by th Ontario Medical Association without reference to the Ont. ario Standing Committee m Health, as promised by the gor- ernment in 1967. A comprehensive report on the State of the Union wai given to the delegates. It shows that the UAW has gone up the fourth largest to the d largest union in Canada in the past year. : The UAW is now involved in organizing campaigns a Canada embracing over 10, workers. According to figures they organized 1,20 workers since the last Coun meeting and have applied f certification in plants repre ing another 500. Disregard workers’ rights — “Arrogant disregard of its workers’ rights” is the charge levelled against the Ontario gov- ernment by Stanley Little, pre- sident of the Canadian Union of Public Employees, (CUPE). To adequately meet this challenge, government workers will, in Mr. Little’s words, “have to speak the language of crisis, conflict and confrontation.” Next year, when the govern- ment takes over all property as- sessment in Ontario, some 2,500 municipal assessment employees will have to join the Civil Ser- vice Association of Ontario. These workers are now mem- bers of CUPE by voluntary choice, which is their right. But ‘while this right to free associa- tion is solemnly proclaimed by law, it is denied to employees of the government. The Civil Ser- vice Association of Ontario is no substitute for a union, and there is growing discontent with worker - management relations and the autocratic way they are handled now in the provincial civil service. In the autumn of 1967, when > © PACIFIC TRIBUNEMAY 2, 1969-—Page 4 the province took over the ad- ministration of justice at the local government level, some employees fought hard against transfer from CUPE, the union of their choice, to the CSA. At that time the employees lost, at least temporarily. Now the issue comes up again with municipal workers in another area, or de- partment. Of all employees in public ser- vices, the most disgusting con- ditions are to be found amongst hospital workers across this country. Their wages are among the lowest. Because official gov- ernment policy deliberately re- strict budgets in areas of the greatest social needs, hospital budgets have been severely cut. In Ontario, immigrants who came here less than a year ago from as far away as the Philip- pines, and employed as hospital workers, have been laid off. On the one hand we need more hos- pitals and workers to service them. On the other hand, as al- ways in areas where no private profits are to be made, there is a shortage of funds. This’ inhuman approach’ is characteristic of our capitalist society, based upon human ex- ploitation. The working people are the ones to suffer the great- est hardships as a result of this system. . The government of Ontario has outlawed strikes of hospi- tal workers while at the same time imposing a ceiling on wage increases that can be negotiat- ed. In the case of registered and graduate nurses, negotiations are with the Civil Service Com- mission. But in the case of unions representing non-profes- sionals, negotiations are with local hospital boards. Since col- lective bargaining has become meaningless because of the ceil- ing on wage increases, must cases move quickly to arbitra- tion, supposedly binding on both parties. A recent arbitration award, concerning the Building Service Employees International Union and the Peel Memorial Hospital in Brampton, Ontario, has ig- nored the wage ceiling set by the Ontario Hospital Services Commission. The award says the workers should have a 25 per- _ against cent raise in an 18-month con- tract. An earlier memorandum of agreement between the union and the hospital in question had been withdrawn when the OHSC refused to provide funds to meet wage payments in excess of its arbitrarily imposed wage ceil- ing. Dealing with this aspect of the situation, the arbitration board in this case had the fol- ‘ lowing to say: . . . “Unions are forced to deal with. the facade of a hospital board and prevent- ed from collective confrontation with the central. body which makes the real decisions uni- laterally.” With governments at all levels moving in to prevent workers in the public sector from improv- ing their economic conditions the stage is set for a combined government-employer offensive labor in the private sector. With productivity increasing faster in Canada than in the U.S. last year, and with mono- poly-rigged prices, rents and taxes going sky-high, the bene- fits of increased output as 4 sult of speed-ups, rationaliza and technical efficiency goes swell private profits. 4 guidelines in this situation W? not only preserve a status qt in the buying power of wages even if we allow for limited i! creases here and there, but Wh reduce workers living standart at a time when substantial im? provements are called for. All this calls for mobilization of the great reservoirs strength which are latent in th trade union movement. It ca” for new methods of struggle " both economic and _ politi confrontation with the &) ployers and their stooges in80| ernment. The time is also ! | overdue for a coordinated calf paign to organize the millions of unorganized from one end 0 the country to the other. in this way will the workin class of our country assume " position history has assigned # it as. the leading force in” struggle for social progr