nd the men w Lord Elcho, appointed a member of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Trade Unions, after serving, in 1866, as chairman of the Select Committee on the reform of the Master and Servant Law. oy On ea Henry Broadhurst, the Stonentasons’ leader who took over from Howell in 1875. He insisted at the 1877 Congress that the less they “interfered with the differences arising between trade and trade, and industry and industry, the better would it be...” Frederic Harrison, in later life. The Junta’s nominee on the Royal Commission. “The unions have serious thereto’’. IN THE FULLNESS of time, the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Trade Unions was delivered oftwo Reports. The Majority Report proposed that certain steps should be taken to legalise the position of trade unions in certain limited respects. The Minority Report, signed by Hughes, Harrison and Lord Lichfield, simply recommended the com- plete legalisation of trade unions, and called for the total repeal of the restric- tions of the 1825 Act. In the event, the Government legislation which followed consisted of two contra- dictory measures. The Trade Union Act of 1871 legalised the status of trade unions and accorded protection to their funds. But the clauses on picketing and intimidation of the Criminal Law Amendment Act, which was part of the same year’s package, left trade unionists as vulnerable to criminal prosecution as they had been before. The Government of the day may have assumed that they had now made a final solution of the prickly trade union problem. But, as Henry Crompton pointed out in a document called faults”, he declared, ‘‘but I still believe them necessary as I do railways, and capable of improvement.” Sir William Erle, a former Chief Justice, who was appointed chairman of the Royal Commission, with instructions to “‘report on the organisation and rules of trades - unions, and the several matters relating George Howell, who became the first secretary of the T.U.C.’s Parliamentary Committee, which was set up, by the 1871 Congress to lobby M.P.s for the amendment of the Criminal Law Amendment Bill. First fruits of the TUC’s efforts: the repeal of the Criminal Law Amendment Ac “Digest of Labour Laws”, which he wrote with Frederic Harrison, and which was issued by the T.U.C.’s Parliamentary Committee in 1875, “‘the Judges declared that the only effect of the legislation of 1871 was to make the trade object of the strike not illegal. A strike was perfectly legal; but, if the means employed were calculated to coerce the employer, they were illegal means; and a combination to do a legal act by illegal.means was a criminal conspiracy. In other words, a strike was lawful, but anything done in pursuance of a strike was criminal. Thus the judges tore up the remedial statute, and each fresh decision went further and developed new dangers.” So... the Trades Union Congress organised itself and the members it represented to remedy that “remedial statute”. And the campaign which resulted, in 1875, in the Repeal of the Criminal Law Amendment Act proved to be by far the most important of the comparatively few effective operations which the T.U.C. was able to initiate in the whole period 1868-1900. John Ruskin, whose book “Unto this Last” helped to jolt the public’s preconceptions about the sanctity of classical political economy, and consequently about the valid role of trade unions in a country’s economic life.