ARTS Two different types of power Dancing Around The Table. A National Film Board of Canada release. 1987. Directed by Maurice Bulbulian. 57 minutes. Colour. In 1982 the constitution was repat- riated. According to written agreement within one year the Prime Minister of Canada was to convene a constitutional conference to deal with the place of Canada’s aboriginal people within the framework of a new Canada. Those talks began in Ottawa in 1983. The last conference ended in June, 1987. Dancing Around The Table is the story of what transpired from 1983 to 1985. It is a film that will stand the test of time. One can imagine how it will be used in future decades to teach students about a particularly ignominious chap- ter in Canadian history. It will stand — not simply as a testament but as an indictment of our current federal and provincial leaders whose vision was guided, not by the desire for a more Tribal elder Ethel Pearson (r) at the 85 conference: “Sometimes | wish | was younger democratic and just society, but by greed and self-interest. While Dancing Around The Table doesn’t take us up to the most recent constitutional conference it does lay the basis for an understanding of the pro- cess of government — aboriginal rela- tions in Canada. That relationship is an exercise in power: Of who wields it (the federal and provincial ministers) and who has not yet achieved enough power to negotiate as equals (the four aboriginal organizations). ““Youcan talk to (the government) till you’re blue in the face,’’ Ethel Pearson, an elder of the Kwakiutl nation says in an opening scene of the film, ‘“The only time those big shots will listen is when you hit them in the pocket book. That’s the only place that hurts them.”’ There are telling scenes in this film. SS so that | could start a revolution and shoot a few of these politicians.” The arrogance of Trudeau, who chairs the first two meetings, is contrasted with the connivings of Mulroney, the “‘sreat negotiator,’ who chairs the ’85 conference. While Trudeau dominates the first two conferences Mulroney al- lows the provincial premiers to do his talking; to carry the bag for him. Thus he can play the role he wants to — the “‘moderator’” who really wants to achieve a deal but just can’t pull the two extremes together. ~ The constitution was meant to builda framework in which the Indian, Metis and Inuit people would find their place in Canada. As this film makes clear that ‘‘framework’’ has become a barrier, a way to keep Canada’s aboriginal people on the periphery of Canadian society, dependent on hand-outs and patroniza- tion. But Dancing Around The Table is not a pessimistic film. Over the course of three conferences, unfortunately the last and most significant conference is not included, we witness the growing strength of the aboriginal organiza- tions. The maturing leadership poten- geen Mig Mulroney and Vander Zalm at the ’85 conference: A vision guided by greed and self-inter- est. . tial of a Georges Erasmus or a Jim Sinclair that would be borne out in the °87 conference. This film is about the balance be- tween two types of power: the power of money and law held by the federal and provincial governments and the power of unity and organization which is the strength of the aboriginal movement. That balance is still significantly weigh- ed in favour of the state, but, as this film chronicles, that inequity is slowly shift- ing. After witnessing the antics of our federal and provincial leaders one can sympathize with Tribal elder Ethel Pearson when she says, “‘I wish I was younger so that I could start a revolu- tion and shoot a few of these poli- ticians.”’ — Paul Ogresko Dancing Around the Table is available for rental on video and 16 mm at NFB offices across the country. Books lrangate and Reagan’s ‘Imperial presidency’ THE IRAN CONTRA CONNEC- TION. Secret Teams and Covert Operations In the Reagan Era. By Jonathan Marshall, Peter Dale Scott and Jane Hunter. South End Press, Boston, 1987. $14.95. Available at Co-op Books. Those influenced by the gener- ally shallow major media press reportage and the continual efforts at obstruction by the administra- tion and its many allies in Congress and the Fourth Estate might easily conlude that the biggest scandal of the Reagan era is over. Maybe they think it was a temporary aberra- tion of propriety carried out by a few rogue underlings. Such mus- ings would fall far short of the mark. A considerable-volume of evi- dence shows that the Iran/contra affair is an especially dangerous chapter in a long history of U.S. covert operations. This evidence, accumulated mostly by journalists, public interest law firms. like the Christic Institute, and- peace acti- vists, reveals that the mechanisms used, underlying philosophy, and key players are far from rooted out. Adding to this record is an important new book, The Iran Contra Connection, by three vete- ran investigators of CIA-style skulduggery. At the heart of Iran- gate, the authors make clear, is not just the secret arms sales to Iran and weapons shipments to the con- tras, nor the blatant hypocrisy and lying to Congress, but “a usurpa- tion of power by an imperial Presi- dent bent on subverting democratic processes at home by covert means to satisfy the demands of ruthless policies abroad.” In elaborate detail the authors describe such seldom scrutinized aspects as the shadowy origins of Reagan’s fanatical drive to over- : throw the sovereign government of Nicaragua, the background of Israel’s operations’ in Iran and Central America, and the conver- - gence of such unsavory agents as the secret team, the World Anti- | Communist League, right-wing - Cuban emigres, international drug . smugglers and other sordid types. Among theauthors assessments: 10 e PACIFIC TRIBUNE, OCTOBER 21, 1987 ®@ Reagan’s obessive anti-com- munism served as_ ideological linchpin and a carefully concocted disinformation campaign around narcotics and terrorism provided cover for unleashing the covert operations. @ Anti-Castro Cuban exiles, who for two decades following the Bay of Pigs fiasco were shock troops for acts of terrorism throughout the Western Hemis- phere, played an important role in training the contras and linking them to other elements of the secret “network. _ © Farright leaders of the World Anti-Communist League and other clandestine operators funneled mil- lions of dollars into Reagan’s 1980 election campaign. Much of it was brokered by Reagan’s longtime friend Michael Deaver, then a paid lobbyist for right-wing dictators in Taiwan, Argentina, and Guatem- ala. -@ Using a variety of Israeli operatives, Israel stage-managed the 1985-86 U.S. arms sales to Iran ‘from the outset. Israel’s purposes included its strategic aims in Iran and profit for its burgeoning arms industry. @ Special U.S. military units, including the Green Berets, Army Rangers, Navy SEALs, Air Force Special Operations Wing, Delta Force anti-terrorist commandos, and others, have been intimately HV HH ytd y et 2 opojolole follobda opololollpioliobda aes ~ IRANGATE tne jaet ign is BS As involved in covert actions for decades, from the Phoenix assassi- ‘nation program in Vietnam to the invasion of Grenada to secret. helicopter flights into Nicaragua in support of the contras. While much of the data in the book has been reported elsewhere, the volume serves as a useful com pendium of the wide range ° operations that came together 1 Irangate. The few weaknesses arisé from cumbersome repetition 0 some material, an over-reliance 0? conspiracy theories, and an undef estimation of the degree to which the covert actions evident in Irat™ gate are now a fully integrated component of U.S. policy. The recent coup in Fiji, the couP attempt in the Philippines, disil™ formation about a Soviet “‘threat in the Persian Gulf, and ongoiné Reagan administration activity Central America and Southe Africa suggest that the abuses of Irangate remain with us. “Millions: of foreign victim have a stake in curbing the people -and. institutions im Washingto? . that promote the destructive mal” tenance and-expansion of Amer can power abroad,” the author write. They urge protests and “a? assertion of law and democratl? control over foreign policy,” tw? necessary starts. “ — Chuck Idelso" People’s Daily World.