About parties

How CPSU is different

(In view of the great interest
in next week’s 24th Congress of
the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union, we are presenting
a series of articles on the Party.)

Question: What is the funda- ~°

mental difference between the
capitalist parties of the West
and the CPSU?

Answer: To clarify the differ-
ence it is necessary first to an-
swer the following questions:
Under what social system does
the party work? The interests
of. what social classes and
groups does it express and de-
fend? What factors influence the
political line and organizational
basis of the party? What are
the party’s relations with the
masses in the country?

The CPSU is a mass party,
united ideologically and organ-
izationally, consisting of millions
of the most advanced represen-
tatives of the working class and
all the working people, and is
inseparably linked with the peo-

Land ‘Frigate’

ple and serves their interests.
The Communist Party is equip-
ped with Marxist-Leninist the-
ory, scientific knowledge of the
objective laws of development
of society.

In Soviet society where there
are no antagonistic classes and
no exploitation of man by man,
the CPSU heads the building of
socialism and communism. The
leading role of the CPSU is ex-
pressed in its political program
(building communism in_ the
USSR) and its organizational
foundations (democratic central-
ism), recorded in the Party
Rules. :

For the sake of comparison
let us take any of the two old-
line parties in Canada, the Lib-
eral and Progressive Conserva-
tive, which form the traditional
two-party system here.

In the first place, both exist
and function in a capitalist so-
ciety made up of classes having
antagonistic interests. Each is
influenced by capitalist group-

A Leningrad invention

By A. VOLODIN

LENINGRAD—Have you seen
a field suffering from thirst? The
cracked soil? The fields of droop-
ing corn? One wonders how
many millions of tons of cereals,
industrial crops, vegetables,
fruits and melons are lost each
year as a result of inadequate
irrigation equipment? Soon the
situation will change, because
the “Frigates” manufactured
here will appear on the fields.

These are highly efficient
automatically controlled water-
ing installations developed by
our designers.

What is this machine like?
Here is what the chief designer
A. Borisoglebsky has to say
about it:

“Imagine a huge clock dial.
In the centre there is a pin with
one hand rotating .around it. It
rotates slowly round the cir-
cle. The ‘Frigate’ works in simi-
lar fashion. The pin is a water
delivering device and the hand is
the installation as such. It is a
454-metre pipe on which 50 ro-
tating watering units have been
mounted. The pipe has been
mounted on 16 self-moving sup-
ports outfitted with wheels.

“The problem of movement of
system over the field has been
solved along rather unconven-
tional lines. Everything is oper-
ated by water delivered into the
watering installation. It is out-
fitted with special hydraulic cyl-
inders and other mechanisms.

“At the tip of the pipe there
is a so-called end watering unit
which is cut in at the right
moment to water fields beyond
the circle. Thus one complete
revolution of the ‘Frigate’ makes
it possible to water 80 hectares
(200 acres).

The control system can be
set’ to a gentle drizzle or a
heavy shower. Maximum water
consumption is 110 litres per
second. The water supply may
come either from an artesian
well or a pumping station via
pipes. The installation is design-
ed to water plants up to two
metres high.”

Why has it been called a
“Frigate”?

“Perhaps, it is just a tribute
of respect to the romantic spirit
of the sea,” the chief designer
said with a smile. “It is a fact
that the watering machine has

been developed mainly by work-:

shops that are in some way con-
nected with the merchant ma-
rine. Or perhaps, it has been
given this name because when
it works at full capacity it real-
ly looks an old frigate with a
suit of silvery translucent sails.

“Here are a few. other charac-
teristics. Its useful lifetime is
10 years. A mechanic driving a
motorcycle can look after five
or six installations of this kind.
The ‘Frigate’ is fitted with re-
liable interlocking and protec-
tive devices.”

What are the prospects?

“We are now working on the
production techniques and are
amending the blueprints. We
have also given thought to modi-
fied versions, for instance a
mountain version. The ‘Frigate’
will be put into serial produc-
tion at specialized works in the
other towns and cities of the
USSR. By the end of 1975 there
will be at least 6,000 ‘Frigates’
on the fields of the Soviet
Union.”

Soviet awnies hate in 1971 the a TU-154 made at the air-

ings, the more so, since the
leaders of these parties belong
to these groupings. Therefore,
the two-party system in Can-
ada exists to express and defend
the interests of the capitalist
class system as a whole and the
interests of one or another capi-
talist group in particular.

Deprived of deep roots in the
masses, both parties cannot
claim the role of exponents of
the will and interests of the
overwhelming mass of the popu-
lation, the working classes. They
cannot therefore rely on the
support of the masses. But they
find such support in the capital-
ist groups. Both parties draw
moral-political and financial
stimulation for their. activities
from their close contact with
these groups.

Neither of these parties con-
stitutes what may be called a
mass political party. It does not
have permanently registered
members who participate in one
or another field of party work.
It has no firm organizational
bases on which the party is
built, from leading bodies to
provincial. Instead of all this
there only exists a party ma-
chine (headquarters) consisting
of functionaries influential in
the political and business
spheres. These parties do not
have a permanent membership.
They do not have specific rules.

They have no theoretical pro-
gram: it is replaced by election
platforms (which actually do not
distinguish one party from the
other), with the aid of which
they attract the votes of elec-
tors for their candidates during
election campaigns.

The campaign for votes is of
course conducted on behalf of
the entire party and supposedly
in the interests of the people.
Actually, however, the name of
the party is used to conceal the
activities of professional politi-
cians representing the interests
of definite capitalist groups
which finance the activities of
the party machine. Such party
machines and politicians do not
and cannot reflect the opinions
and sentiments of the ordinary
citizens. This is not. concealed
even by the party leaders and
the monopoly groupings backing
them.

Communists are of the opin-
ion that this political set-up
characteristic of the bourgeois
(capitalist) system does not
create conditions for the genuine
expression of the will of the

masses,

craft pleint at the Volga city of Kuibyshev. This new machine is 50
metres long and has a wing spread of 37 metres. It can take from.
158 to 250 passengers. The three tail motors provide for a cruising
speed of 950 kmph. The plane can make a five-hour nonstop flight,
while retaining enough fuel for one more hour of flying. The TU-154
is outfitted with up-to-the-minute instrumentation with controls, 100%,
automatic, from take-off to landing.

After maintenance trials the TU-154 will service both doméstic

and internctional Aeroflot lines, whose total length reached 600,000
km by early 1971. Over the past five years, Soviet aircraft have
carried more than 300 million passengers.

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, MARCH 26, 1971—PAGE 10.

mi
ie ‘ oe

In the annual all-Ukrainian amateur musical groups con

4 rs

Kiev the above group from lIvano-Frankivsk region took top

Soviet attitude

On sex and moralif)

By A. KHARCHEV
(Soviet Weekly)

A recent- issue of Time
splashed an article by one P.
Hollander with the title ‘“Dilem-
mas of Soviet Sociology.” This
claimed to be an analysis of an
essay I wrote, with another
Soviet sociologist.

“Kharchev and Golod,” says
Mr. Hollander, ‘called for re-
vamping ‘socialist morality’
from its persent double stand-
ard to a realistic new code that
would grant both sexes equal
freedom and responsibility.

“They singled out for critic-
ism a recent Soviet film in
which the man‘ roughs up his
fiancee after he discovers that
she is not a virgin.

It was none of his business,
contend Kharchev and Golod.
They recommend that ‘women
should have the right to have
premarital and extramarital sex
life.’ i

“The Soviet Union,” he mus-
es, “almost never swings, espe-
cially as far as sex is con-
cerned.”

Scoffing at sexy, western-
style romance as a symbol of
capitalist decadence, the Com-
munists have imposed an al-
most Victorian prudery upon
the country.

“Prostitution and pornogra-
phy are outlawed. Sex educa-
tion is almost entirely limited
to a single injunction: don’t.

“Comes the revelation. For
the first time since the 1920's,
Russia has produced a sociolo-
gical study on sexual habits and
deportment.”

He is referring to Youth and
Marriage, written by S. I. Golod
and myself.

Now I should be the first to
admit that sociological studies
in the Soviet Union have not
been all they might be — not
only as regards “sexual habits
and deportment” but also of
such things as the problems of
the aged, of working life, the
use of leisure, village life and
so forth.

But note the Time man’s
logic. If a thing isn’t studied,
it is forbidden. If it is, there’s
been an about-face.

Logic is not Mr. Hollander’s
strong point.

Is he really asserting that
sexy films, prostitution and por-
nography are symbols of demo-
cracy, and prudery, a product
of communist prohibition?

Communists have always
drawn a line between the rela-
tions of man and woman and
the erotic exploitation of them.

You can see that in Lenin’s
letters in Inessa Armand and
his criticism of pseudo-revolu-
tionary sexual morals in the
famous interview with Clara
Zetkin.

Communism is built by peo-
ple for people and its highest
goal is the all-round and_har-
monious development of the in-
dividual. ‘

So we do prohibit prostitu-

tion as something desl
and unworthy of a decét
ciety and deride . the i
books and films of the @
ist world. ‘
We have no objection
in art. But once an artist |
peering through keyhol@)-
becoming a voyeur of 7
ual act, the result is a,
but something very diffe
We have no objection |
nude as an exaltation © ¥
man beauty. Artists — aft
ing Russian and Soviet. F
—have always accepted !
artistic tradition. wot f
And millions of Sov.
ple saw the film, Man
man, from France, be |
was a real work of att J}
It is for similar reasot F
we don’t run beauty © 4
tions; we think that id
beauty into an object © g
mercial speculation ®
destroying.
ty BEnabe we hal "(
ferent concept of beaul
that of Time’s writen
seem to think that 4 chit
charm lies in only oné 16s |
Another thing puz7’ al
Time says we have TeV" if
an “almost Victorian P
The implication seer
that Russians are | si
shameless, and that th if
lessness. has fallen YY
communism. 80
Yet it is not so long fi
a
)

oy

anti-Soviet scribes We"
ing us of “free love 4
dermining the tradition on
riety of relations bet ctl
sexes, the very “Sat
rivate life.” {0
3 Wouldn’t it be m0 f
to assume that Cig
have done neither thé
the other? co
Every normal pers? ge
privacy — and our

_ predominantly normal. de

The flouting of hum ies
cies always accompa in¢
nation from, or eVeh  —
struction of culture. oi

That is somethin ‘ogi
see in the capitalist and |
day. But you won
the Soviet Union. it

Mr. Hollander finds er
that “Soviet films 9 jit
sion usually portray |
terms of hand-hold!
tion.” , nea

We don’t think it ef
funny as accepting atid’
ence of sexual dei" qf
evidence of normalilY
mocracy!

I could go on aes f
refuting, Mr. Hollan ill ®
less distortions, but
tent myself with
gorically that our 4
no demand for “Frev’ its
cialist_ morality ff, 4
sent double standar@j¢ fy

We said exactly ied
site: that the accel ore
of socialist society the
opposite pole from. tic 4
morality charactel’s te 0
cieties based on PAY
ship.” §